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The National Counsel for Adoption says that while there is indeed a long waiting list for healthy white babies, there are also parents on waiting lists for minority and physically challenged babies. This is confirmed by Christian Homes and Special Kids, a non-profit organization founded to support families with special-needs children. At any given time, they have a database of several hundred families waiting to adopt children with even the most severe physical challenges, including children who are terminal and those who are born addicted to drugs. The truth is, the chances of a newborn not being adopted are minuscule regardless of circumstances.

Today, the problem with adoption is not babies, but older children, and since they are already born that problem has nothing to do with abortion. The abortion lobby counters that if newborns are not available, families would be more likely to adopt these older children. In other words, the pro-choice solution is to force people to take the children society wants them to adopt, by brutally slaughtering the children they want to adopt.

If the abortion lobby wants us to believe that they are only killing babies no one wants, here is a suggestion that will settle the whole abortion debate once and for all. Let’s create a national computer database of people who want to adopt a baby. Any pregnant woman who doesn’t want her baby would have access to this database. If there is someone in the database who wants to adopt her baby, she could not legally have an abortion. But if no one is willing to take her baby, she could legally have the child killed by abortion.

Of course, the abortion industry is never going to take this deal because they know it would immediately bankrupt every one of their death camps. They realize that there is no such thing as an unwanted baby and that every single child they butcher is wanted by someone. Their “every child a wanted child” rhetoric, and this “disease of unwantedness,” are simply scams they conjured up to justify abortion and create a market for their product.

First, it is nonsense to suggest that the law never tells people what they can or cannot do with their bodies. In fact, there are many things which people are not legally allowed to do with their bodies. To name just a few, they cannot sell them for sex, or sell their organs to people who need transplants, or put certain drugs into their bodies.

Second, statements like this ignore the fact that, by any rational standard, the unborn child is a separate individual from its mother.

In fact, if an unborn child had the ability to commit a crime, it has everything necessary for a forensic expert to identify it in court. Long before the point at which most abortions are done, the unborn child has its own DNA code, its own fingerprints, and its own blood type – none of which match the mother.

The individuality of the unborn was evident in 1999 when a Tennessee surgeon had just completed an operation on an unborn baby and was about to close the incision in the mom’s abdomen. Before he could do so, the child punched his arm through the incision and grasped the doctor’s finger. A photo of this event ended up on magazine covers and television sets around the world. The question is, who grabbed the doctor’s finger?

To say that government should let people make all of their own choices is neither practical nor desirable. We cannot let people make their own choices to rape, rob or drive drunk. We cannot let them make the choices to embezzle, defraud, write hot checks, drive their cars over the speed limit, slander other people, etc. By definition, the goal of every law is to deny someone the legal ability to choose a particular activity, and many prohibited choices could even be considered “personal.” For example, it is illegal to have sexual relations with a sibling, or a child, or an animal, or a dead body.

As for abortion, it is not the government’s role to protect one individual’s choice to kill his fellow human beings. Given the biological fact that the unborn are living human beings, the question is not whether the government has the right to prohibit abortion, but whether it has the right not to.

To begin with, when a woman is pregnant whether she is ready or not, she already is a mom. At that point, her only “choice” is to be the mother of a living baby or a dead one.

Second, poverty is not a justification for killing your children. No one would excuse a father for killing his five-year-old daughter because he could no longer afford her.

Additionally, the abortion industry’s own statistics prove that almost every abortion it sells has nothing to do with poverty, but is instead sold to a woman who simply doesn’t want to be pregnant.

An interesting observation about the relationship between poverty and abortion, is that poor women are rarely the ones agitating for abortion. Instead, it always seems to be rich, white, elitist gadflies and liberal social engineers who become so distressed about poor women having access to abortion.

The abortion rate among women living below the federal poverty level ($9,570 for a single woman with no children) is more than four times that of women above 300% of the poverty level (44 vs. 10 abortions per 1,000 women).

Overall unintended pregnancy rates have stagnated over the past decade, yet unintended pregnancy increased by 29% among poor women while decreasing 20% among higher-income women.

On average, women give four reasons for choosing abortion. Three-fourths of women cite concern for or responsibility to other individuals; three-fourths say they cannot afford a child; three-fourths say that having a baby would interfere with work, school or the ability to care for dependents; and half say they do not want to be a single parent or are having problems with their husband or partner.

Trying to rationalize abortion using this argument is utter nonsense. If we don’t know when life begins, then we can’t say it has begun at birth, or at age five, or at 50. By this logic, the law could never convict someone for murdering a 30-year-old woman because there is no way to prove that she was alive.

The fact is, no scientific, biological, or medical textbook says that life begins at any point other than conception. Further, simple deductive reasoning proves that life begins at conception because that is the only time it can begin. Any other point is strictly arbitrary.

However, even if it were true that no one can prove when life begins, that is not a justification for legalized abortion.

The pro-life position is that the unborn should be left alone. Obviously, a person does not have to prove anything about the unborn in order to justify taking that view. On the other hand, the pro-choice position is that it should be legal to butcher the unborn by the millions because no one can prove that they are living human beings. To appreciate just how irrational this is, imagine that the judge and jury in a capital murder case sentenced a man to death because no one could prove that he was not guilty. The public would be justifiably enraged. They understand that the state is the one taking action and that, therefore, the burden of proof belongs to them. The prosecution is required to prove that the man is guilty in order to convict him, but the defense has no obligation to prove anything in order to justify leaving him alone.

In other words, our judicial system is designed to err on the side of life. We would rather let a thousand murderers go free, than execute even one innocent person.

The question is why we don’t apply this standard to the unborn. Why aren’t we saying to the pro-choice mob, “Before we’ll let you kill the unborn, you have to prove that they are not living human beings.” After all, to say that no one knows when life begins is, at the very least, an acknowledgement that it might begin at conception. Shouldn’t we leave the unborn alone until we find out for sure? Saying we can execute the unborn because no one can prove when life begins, is no different than saying we can execute an accused murderer because no one can prove he’s innocent.

Amazingly, when cornered on this, some abortion apologists will contend that abortion should be allowed even if we accept that the unborn are living human beings. The question then becomes, if the humanity of the unborn is irrelevant when deciding whether they can be killed, why is the humanity of a five-year-old relevant when making the same decision?

As for this brainless contention that women must be allowed to decide when the lives of their children have begun, imagine two children who are conceived at the same moment. Three months later, one mother talks about her baby, knows its sex, has named it, and has even seen it on an ultrasound screen. The other mother believes that the life of her child hasn’t begun yet and decides to have it killed by abortion. The pro-choice mentality is that both mothers are right, despite the fact it is physically impossible for that to be true.

Also, if women are to be the ones who decide when life begins, why should they lose that right by giving birth? If a woman who sincerely believes that life doesn’t begin until speech is possible, kills her three-month-old daughter, should she be charged with murder? What makes her belief that life begins at speech less valid than another woman’s belief that life begins in the second trimester, or at birth, or at any other arbitrarily chosen point? And what gives society the right to charge this woman with murder, while saying that women are the ones who decide when life begins?

Any rational human being considers that possibility regarding any position they take. However, this question is better suited for our opponents. If the pro-life movement is wrong, then we are guilty of trying to deny women a constitutional right. But if the pro-choice side is wrong, then they are directly responsible for the mass murder of innocent children. So the question is, would it be better to be pro-life and wrong or pro-choice and wrong?

From the day this battle began, the abortion lobby has understood two realities. First, they do not have to convince the public that their position is morally superior to ours, only that it is morally defensible. Second, that goal is much easier to accomplish when it is perceived that abortions are done out of need rather than out of want. Every time we take the “common ground” bait, we help them sell both of those lies to the American people.

When we join them to look for ways to reduce the need for abortion, by definition we are agreeing there is sometimes a need for abortion. After all, people don’t go looking for ways to reduce the need for something unless they believe that such a need exists.

The truth is, even studies conducted by hardcore abortion advocates prove that almost every abortion performed in America is for non-medical reasons and involves a healthy baby who was not conceived by rape or incest, and a healthy woman whose pregnancy does not threaten either her life or health. In short, abortions are done for want, not need.

Whenever we do or say anything that suggests otherwise, we support the abortion lobby’s position. The fact is, for these baby killers to say that we should help them reduce the need for abortion, is like some pimp telling the vice squad that they should help him reduce the need for prostitution.

The other problem is, we cannot look for common ground with these people without giving the impression that even we believe their position has some moral validity. It is no different than if the Jewish people would have agreed to look for common ground with the Nazis while the ovens at Auschwitz were burning day and night. To do so would have simply given credibility to the Nazi position.

When people are threatening to do evil, discussions with them may be reasonable. But once they have begun doing that evil, there is nothing more to talk about. At that point, the only goal is to stop them. Remember, prior to World War II we had intense discussions with the Japanese trying to avert the war. But at Pearl Harbor, the talking ended.

Another thing about “common ground” is that it always requires an acceptance of the fundamental premise of the abortion lobby. In all such discussions, the opening statement is something like, “Everyone has agreed to set aside any discussion about whether abortion should be legal or not and simply look for areas of common ground and for ways to reduce the need for abortions.”

If the real goal is common ground, it would be equally legitimate to say, “Everyone has agreed that abortion should be made illegal, so our goal today is to look for ways to reduce the incidence of illegal abortions once that happens.” Of course, that is never the basis upon which we look for this elusive common ground because the abortion lobby would never agree to discuss their position on their opponent’s terms. We seem to be the only ones who fall for that trick.

The fact is, pro-lifers need to stop being so easily manipulated. Our job is not to sit around the campfire and sing Kumbayah with people who torture and slaughter helpless babies for money. Our job is to stop them.